Bulk policy is what it offers. Alexey Navalny is a candidate for president of the Russian Federation

Alexey Navalny proposes to exempt small businesses from taxes, liquidate the Pension Fund, create an anti-corruption special service and cancel the draft. Interviewed RBC experts appreciated the main provisions of the politician's program.

The founder of the Anti-Corruption Fund, Alexei Navalny, a year after announcing his intentions to run for president, announced the program with which he plans to run for elections if he is registered as a candidate. The head of the CEC Ella Pamfilova had previously warned that the politician would be able to register only after the conviction was cleared.

Economy

Navalny proposed to liquidate the Russian Pension Fund and, on its basis, create the "world's largest investor fund" by analogy with the Norwegian sovereign fund Government Pension Fund Global. The latter invests the oil and gas revenues of the Norwegian government in assets around the world. “It sounds like populism, but nothing more,” says Yuri Gorlin, deputy director of the Institute for Social Analysis and Forecasting, RANEPA. “Alexei Navalny is liquidating the Pension Fund, but how should we pay pensions to today's pensioners? Who will handle this function? " - says the expert.

The oppositionist proposes to transfer to the new pension fund the funds of the NWF, shares of state-owned companies traded on the stock exchange and their dividends, as well as proceeds from privatization. “It will suddenly happen that next year the income of Rosneft or Gazprom, which Navalny is talking about, will not allow the payment of dividends for some reason. How to make it stationary? " - says Gorlin. According to him, the idea to channel part of the additional income of state-owned companies into the reserve of the pension system to ensure greater growth of pensions and smooth out fluctuations in the income of the pension system has been repeated many times, “but this should be systematic based on dividend policy or through an increase in income tax or other taxes, but not breaking the current insurance system ”.

The transformation of the FIU into an analogue of the Norwegian fund will not lead to a good result, agrees the director of the Center for Economic Policy Research faculty of Economics Moscow State University Oleg Buklemishev. The role of the Norwegian fund in Russia was intended to be played by the National Welfare Fund (NWF), the economist recalls, but NWF did not take place in this status. “That is, the experience of centralized investment for pension purposes in Russia has essentially failed,” notes Buklemishev.

Increase in the minimum wage up to 25 thousand rubles. - Another idea of \u200b\u200bNavalny - “exceeds the capabilities of business and the state,” Buklemishev believes. To increase salaries to workers several times, entrepreneurs will have to either comply with the law and dismiss a significant part of them, or transfer to the shadow form of employment, to which “there are serious gravitations,” says the economist.

The distribution of income equally between the federal center and the regions, as Navalny suggests, requires serious corrective measures, Buklemishev said: “Let me remind you that 50-50 is the ratio of the times of President Yeltsin. Now, of course, it is shifted in favor of the center, but imagine that we change it at the expense of some taxes, and it turns out that the richest regions will receive additional money, and the poorest ones will become even relatively poorer. "

An increase in the minimum wage, pension reform and the redistribution of tax revenues between the federal center and the regions are “absolutely reasonable economic ideas,” says Georgy Ostapkovich, director of the HSE Center for Business Studies. “I think that these same questions will be raised by the future government, and in principle these are not extremist proposals at all,” says Ostapkovich. But the idea to transfer the funds of the NWF there “looks populist,” and it is “incorrect to compare Russian and Norwegian economic realities.” According to Ostapkovich, to reach the minimum wage of 25 thousand rubles. “Absolutely real”, the government will come to similar figures in a few years. “If we allow unemployment to rise to 8-9%, then we can raise the minimum wage to 25 thousand. Such an increase in wages will drive people out of the market. I don't see anything wrong with that, ”the economist muses, adding that“ we have a socially oriented state and people should receive at least some kind of salary, but not be unemployed. ”

Fight against corruption

To effectively fight corruption, the oppositionist proposes to establish a special independent structure that will not be part of the law enforcement system. Navalny also insists on the ratification of the UN Convention against Corruption and proposes to transfer state-owned companies, along with other state assets, under the control of a special fund under a structure that will replace the FIU, as well as reduce the state's presence in the economy, introduce and tighten laws on disclosure of conflicts of interest and lobbying.

“As far as the conflict of interest is concerned, he is absolutely right. Control over affiliates and the introduction of rules that would control this more tightly is really necessary. Lobbyism and an increase in the statute of limitations [for corruption crimes from 10 to 20 years] are adjacent to this, ”said Elena Panfilova, head of the design and training laboratory for anti-corruption policy at the Higher School of Economics, in an interview with RBC.

Panfilova noted that the program lacks a part related to the applicant's corruption protection system. This part has been ratified by Russia, but it is being implemented "not very well". “The applicant has problems, because most often the entrepreneurs who declare become victims of the“ return flow ”- Art. 159 of the Criminal Code (fraud), ”explained Panfilova.

Commenting on Navalny's proposed establishment of an independent anti-corruption structure, Panfilova noted that Russia needs a structure that "primarily deals with coordination." “The investigation will remain with the investigation, the prosecutorial functions will remain with the prosecutors, but it is necessary to make sure that they do it according to a certain unified program and a unified system - that would be nice,” the expert explained.

Foreign policy

As regards the conduct of foreign policy, the oppositionist proposes to make peace with the rest of the world, stop "aggression against Ukraine" and thus achieve the lifting of sanctions. For the problem of Crimea, the politician suggests finding a "legitimate solution in favor of the local population." Navalny also advocates the introduction of a visa regime for the countries of Central Asia.

“He [Navalny] does not want to associate himself with the annexation of Crimea and at the same time does not want to oppose. If any referendum is held, the majority will favor keeping it within Russia. For the Russian authorities, the referendum is unacceptable for reasons of prestige, but for Navalny there is no problem, since he did not join, ”political analyst Alexei Makarkin told RBC.

According to Makarkin, the program raises many questions about mechanisms, but it will suit his audience. She [the audience] wants us to come to an agreement with the Europeans and leave Crimea behind us, ”the political scientist explained.

The expert saw contradictions in Navalny's proposal to introduce a visa regime with the countries of Central Asia. “His proposal for a visa regime completely contradicts the proposal for integration in the post-Soviet space. On the one hand, he is for integration in the post-Soviet space, on the other, for the visa regime. There is a contradiction in this, but for his voter it is not. In this case, Navalny follows his voter, who wants both, ”said Makarkin.

Other initiatives

In his program, Navalny also proposes to reduce the state apparatus, minimize government control over business, give more powers to the regions, guarantee the independence of the judiciary, mitigate punishment for a number of crimes, return to a four-year presidential term, cancel the draft, and a number of other initiatives.

The president International Institute political expert Evgeny Minchenko, in a conversation with RBC, called Navalny's program "typical social populism, designed for a very undemanding audience."

“One of the advantages of the program is that there are no hooks to catch on, for example, the issues of Crimea, relations with the West - everything is tied precisely to social issues. Social populism in the style of early Zhirinovsky, but without the national question, ”Minchenko said.

He noted that Navalny does not explain his initiatives. “Twice (increase spending) on \u200b\u200beducation, twice on health care. Why exactly twice? Not explained. 25 thousand rubles - minimal salary. Why not 20 thousand or 30 thousand rubles? Not even trying to [explain]. If it is better, there will be more money, ”the expert explained.

Nevertheless, Navalny's electoral program "contains much less populism and radical measures than expected," said Kirill Titayev, a leading researcher at the Institute for Law Enforcement Issues at the European University. The program is missing solutions to some important problems, for example, reboot judicial system, but the key ideas indicate that the work was done quite serious, Titayev is sure.

"A dubious and utopian idea," according to Titayev, is the proposal to elect judges. “In Russia, this is an unrealistic measure, given the low turnout in the elections. This measure is more likely to be harmful, as it will create pseudo-legitimacy for previously agreed candidates, ”the expert explained. Navalny's proposal for a "total revision of legislation" speaks of "a not very correct understanding of how law enforcement agencies work," concluded Titayev.

Navalny chose the wrong time to publish his program, Andrei Kolesnikov, head of the Russian Domestic Policy and Political Institutions program at the Carnegie Moscow Center, told RBC. Now, the expert says, “everyone is going crazy” about Putin’s press conference tomorrow. “If he [Alexei Navalny] wanted to interrupt her in the information space, then this obviously will not work, and the effect of her [program] appearance is blurry,” Kolesnikov told RBC.

Opposition politician Alexei Navalny, who has been banned from the 2018 presidential elections due to his criminal record, continues to try to win Russian sympathy. On the eve of the big press conference of the incumbent President Vladimir Putin, he published his own program.

The composition of the “Expert Council of Presidential Candidate Alexei Navalny,” published along with the program, clearly indicates that we are dealing with a pro-Western liberal. The council, in particular, included Boris Akunin, Vladimir Milov, Sergey Aleksashenko, Elena Lukyanova and Pavel Chikov.

Meanwhile, the document is replete with proposals that would be appropriate in the program of the "left" politician. Among them, an increase in the minimum wage in Russia to 25 thousand rubles, a mortgage at 2% per annum, a radical reform of the pension system, etc.

The problem of unfair privatization (which, according to the polls, is considered by the absolute majority of Russians - author) Navalny proposes to solve it by introducing a compensation tax. True, its specific size is not indicated in any way. This leaves the oligarchs the opportunity to buy off the people with minimal amounts.

Business has not been forgotten either. He was promised a tax cut on the payroll from 30% to 15%. Navalny's favorite fight against corruption will be conducted by a special structure removed from the law enforcement agencies. The politician proposes to reduce the share of the state's presence in the economy.

Navalny wants to see the army exclusively contractual. The draft will be canceled, and the contract soldiers themselves will become one of the highest paid categories of Russian citizens. Each of them was promised a salary of 200 thousand rubles.

It is proposed to introduce a visa regime with the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus - labor migrants must come with work visas. “Our country benefits from political and economic rapprochement with prosperous European countries,” Navalny dreams, without specifying why Europe needs it.

Also, the politician puts forward the thesis, which was popular during the perestroika era, that it was undesirable for Russia to play an active role in international politics. “The hundreds of billions that Russia is now throwing away into wars in Syria and Ukraine, to help distant countries, should be better spent on improving life at home,” Navalny tempts the reader.

At the same time, in the most, perhaps, a matter of principle for every citizen of the country - about the ownership of Crimea, Navalny casts a shadow on the fence. "The Russian position on this issue will be determined by the recognition of the right of the peoples of Crimea to independently decide their fate," the program says. For some reason, Navalny ignores the fact that an independent determination - a referendum - has already taken place.

Economist, Professor of the Department of International Finance at MGIMO Valentin Katasonov draws attention to the fact that Navalny, speaking about possible sources of socially significant proposals, is afraid of touching offshore capital withdrawn from Russia.

Many good, socially significant points of the program can be drawn. But what sources of financing does Mr. Navalny offer to lower the payroll tax, to increase the share of the regions in terms of distributed taxes?

"SP": - He specifically mentions part of the VAT, mineral extraction tax and excise taxes on tobacco and strong alcohol ...

These politicians are demagogues. They are afraid of the main thing like the devil of incense - they do not want to talk about serious sources of funding for their good wishes. If Navalny only hints at these sources, then he, as a politician, will disappear from the horizon altogether. I mean, first of all, that, conditionally, a trillion dollars, which is now outside Russia and is called offshore assets. So, Navalny, and I follow him, constantly bypasses this topic.

In turn, Vice President of the International Academy of Mortgage and Real Estate Irina Radchenko explained why a mortgage at 2% in Russia is still unrealistic.

Unfortunately, Alexey Navalny disappointed me. In the part of his program, which promises a mortgage at two percent, one does not feel that he is an expert in economics. It is ridiculous to make such populist statements.

"SP": - Well, why? He refers to the experience of developed countries ...

In Russia, the key rate is now 8%. This is the rate at which the central bank offers money to banks. They have to add their own margin. This is at least 1%. But since we are talking about a loan, a risky instrument, 2% is better. That is, at least 10% is already obtained. Where will the 2% come from?

In theory, this can happen if the economy grows rapidly. Then, perhaps, we will see mortgages at 3.5%, as in Europe, or at 3%, as in the United States. But now we are marking time. Growth is about zero. That is, you need to dance exactly from the key rate. This is a rather general economic issue, and it concerns not only mortgages.

"SP": - So you can't count on a cheap mortgage?

There are off-market mechanisms that allow you to reduce the mortgage rate. You've probably heard about mortgages at 6% per annum for families where the second or third child will be born. But this will be done from the budget.

In addition, in 2015-2016, there was support for all builders and in new-build apartments the mortgage rate was reduced by 2-3%. This was also due to the state budget. That is, such targeted actions are possible for a certain period, but populist ones should not be declared.

According to the head of the "Finance and Economics" direction of the Institute of Contemporary Development Nikita Maslennikov Although Navalny's pension proposals are not original, they are important signals to the authorities.

It is indicative that in the context of the upcoming election campaign, the issue of reformatting the pension system is becoming a priority. This is a signal to the authorities that the delay in this matter is beginning to cause social irritation. In this sense, Navalny's proposals express a social demand to clarify the strategy for the development of the pension system.

"SP": - What are the trends at the moment?

The replacement rate (the ratio of the average pension to the average salary) this year is about 35%. A few years ago it was 38%. But by 2020, that is, by the year of completion of the current three-year budget, we will reach the level of 30.5%. That is, the deterioration of pension provision is obvious. This is the objective data included in the budget. By 2020, the transfer directed to cover the deficit of the Pension Fund will amount to more than 1.8 trillion. rubles. Obviously, decisions are required to balance the pension system.

"SP": - How can you evaluate the specific proposals of Navalny on this issue? For example, the creation of a special fund under the PFR, where revenues from natural resources will be transferred ...

It's like doubling entities. We already have a National Welfare Fund, which is formed according to a new budgetary rule, from additional revenues from oil and gas exports. The cut-off price is $ 40 per barrel. That is, if oil now costs 63 dollars, 23 of them will go to the NWF. Let me remind you that the legislator initially defined its function as balancing the pension system. Why create another fund?

As for the return of the funded part of pensions, a more thorough approach is required. How to give them away is unclear, because it was a legislative decision. Therefore, we should not talk about the return of funds, but about rebooting the pension system as such. The new model has a name - individual pension capital. But there are many details that will have to be decided before launching.

That is, Navalny does not offer anything new, rather, even simplifies. But the very fact of addressing this issue is important, since it has its own audience, they listen to it, they follow it. We already have 42 million pensioners.

This is clear populism, an expert from the Academy of Military Sciences criticizes Navalny's army reform Vladimir Prokhvatilov ... - Russia needs an army, where there are conscripts, and contract soldiers, and private military companies too. In the highest circles of the army, the idea of \u200b\u200bcanceling the conscription is negative. Because in the event of a serious military conflict with a power comparable to us in terms of military potential, even in the same Ukraine ... Try to drive the contractor there. There is an axiom - mercenaries are good only in wars with a weak enemy. The massive revolutionary armies of France utterly beat the mercenary armies of Prussia, Austria-Hungary and others.

Navalny is largely right about corruption, but this particular point of the program, about the army, is clearly populist. It aims to be supported by lower-middle-class families who find it difficult to evade conscription. It would be better if he talked about the need to control the army, prevent bullying, and solve problems with the boozer from the North Caucasus. And about not being forced to paint and build general's dachas there.

The idea of \u200b\u200bcreating a separate anti-corruption structure that does not belong to law enforcement agencies was commented on by a lawyer Ilya Craft.

As a lawyer, I find it funny. How can a structure endowed with the powers of the secret service be outside the law enforcement agencies? This is some kind of surre ... We just saw what came out of this “wonderful” idea in Ukraine. There is now a fierce confrontation between the Prosecutor General's Office and the National Anti-Corruption Bureau. As a rule, special services begin to pursue their interests and enter into conflicts with other departments.

Where will such a structure receive operational information from? Where will they get the facts of corruption? To watch social networks? Navalny simply has no experience in law enforcement.

But Navalny's idea of \u200b\u200bintroducing a visa regime with the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, albeit with reservations, met with understanding.

Russia, of course, should introduce entry visas for Central Asian migrants, the president of the Institute for National Strategy is sure Mikhail Remizov... “But she shouldn't position it as a break in relations or an“ iron curtain ”. We should talk about putting things in order and returning control instruments. But talk about the need for rapprochement with a prosperous Europe - that is, about a geopolitical break with the East, significantly reduces the chances that such measures will be taken.

We ourselves must proceed and teach our partners in Central Asia that this will be the norm in our relations until a number of socio-economic problems are resolved in these countries. Naturally, we must not diminish the level of security cooperation or economic exchange.

"SP": - And the Transcaucasia?

Of course, fewer labor migrants come from there. And the challenges associated with Islamism are also smaller. Nevertheless, work visas, as a tool for putting things in order, are needed here as well. We need a positive selection of labor resources. But the difficulty here is that Armenia and Kyrgyzstan are already part of the EAEU. In my opinion, these were controversial decisions. Now these problems will have to be solved by means of internal regulation instruments.

A political analyst at the CIS-EMO international monitoring organization notes Navalny's caution about Crimea and Russia's foreign policy.

Navalny's position on Crimea is very ambiguous. Until recently, he was proud that, unlike the old liberals, he raised the national question. He said that the Russians are the largest divided people in Europe. But when the Crimean referendum took place and the division of Russians somewhat decreased, about two million Crimeans were added, his rhetoric changed dramatically. He began to criticize the referendum procedure, suggesting that it be carried out according to Ukrainian law. By which, by the way, it is simply impossible to hold a referendum on secession from the state. As, by the way, in Russian.

Now he points out that many territorial issues in the world have not been resolved and the Crimean issue is from the same category. This position, of course, irritates both rival groups of opinions on Crimea. Some demand from him unconditional recognition of Crimea as Russian, others - Ukrainian.

As for Navalny's thesis about whether it is right to spend the country's money on external operations, instead of spending it inside, there is no clear-cut decision. There is not a single country in the world that would solve all the problems within itself and therefore suddenly decided to pursue an active foreign policy. Although such statements are understandable from the point of view of populist rhetoric and criticism of the authorities: to abandon Syria, incl. from our military bases there, and build normal roads in Smolensk.

Alexey Navalny is perhaps one of the most scandalous candidates for the presidency of the Russian Federation. Despite 16 high-profile criminal cases and a pro-European position, he may well become the # 1 leader in the 2018 vote. To understand what Navalny's chances are in the elections, it is necessary to consider in more detail not only the personal qualities of a politician, but also the election program, advantages over rivals, public and Kremlin sentiments.

Short biography: social activities

Alexey Anatolyevich gained all-Russian fame in 2008, after the publication on his blog of evidence of the facts of large-scale embezzlement by the state corporations Rosneft, Gazpromneft, Transneft and Gazprom. A lawyer's education allowed him to create an organization for the protection of ordinary shareholders and the conduct of litigation in order to achieve accountability and transparency of these companies.

2010 year Establishment of an independent anti-corruption project "Rospil" to identify fraud in public procurement and tenders. Thanks to legal proceedings, about 80 billion rubles were returned to the budget.
2011 Creation of the Fund for Combating Corruption of Deputies and Officials.
year 2012 The State Duma adopted Navalny's bill banning the purchase of cars for officials more expensive than 1.5 million rubles.
year 2013 Participation in the elections of the mayor of Moscow with a result of 27% of votes (II place).
year 2014 Elaboration of a bill against illegal enrichment of officials and their families.
2015 – 2016 Creation of a number of documentaries about the corruption activities of senior officials, including Y. Chaika, I. Shuvalov and D. Medvedev.

Since 2013, Navalny's anti-corruption projects have received a "response" from the authorities in the form of criminal prosecutions. The most resonant "Kirovles case" was canceled by the ECHR and the Supreme Court of Russia. Alexey himself does not intend to refuse to participate in presidential electionsdespite constant pressure.

Navalny's presidential program

Official site 2018.navalny.com contains a section with a list of basic points of the candidate's election campaign. The future implementation of the plans is as follows:

Decent life for every citizen of the Russian Federation

  1. Collecting a one-time tax from the Aligarhs to compensate for illegal privatization throughout the country's independence.
  2. Reduction of bureaucracy.
  3. Tax and reporting exemption for low-income private entrepreneurs.
  4. The minimum wage is 25 thousand rubles. The minimum pension is higher than the subsistence level.
  5. Reducing the cost of housing. Mortgage rates are not more than 3% per annum.

Fight against corruption

  1. Initiation of criminal cases against officials whose expenses do not correspond to income.
  2. Publicity and transparency of all anti-corruption processes.
  3. A ban on officials from employing their relatives, friends, etc.
  4. Anti-corruption reform in government orders, including disclosure of all ultimate owners providing goods / services to the government.

Education, healthcare, infrastructure

  1. Allocation of 2 times more funds from the budget for health care.
  2. Free education.
  3. Freeing teachers from meaningless reporting.
  4. Investments in the construction of safe roads and railways, new schools and hospitals that meet modern standards.

Decentralization

  1. The bulk of taxes should remain in place.
  2. Expanding the rights and resources of local self-government bodies to effectively address local issues.

State development

  1. Stop financing wars and aid in distant countries. This money should go to the welfare of Russians.
  2. Rapprochement of political and economic ties with the European Union.
  3. Introduction of a visa regime with the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus for the legalization of labor migrants.
  4. Expanding Russia's influence through economic and cultural power.

Judges and security officials

  1. Judicial reform. Independent, well-paid judges and prosecutors.
  2. Police reform. Prestigious profession, high salary. Funding grassroots units, exemption from unnecessary reporting and powers that allow you to arrange extortions.

This is what Navalny's preliminary presidential program looks like. At the moment, Alexei's official website is collecting 300 thousand signatures in the electoral commission in order to get the right to participate in the 2018 voting.

Navalny's chances in the elections

To a greater extent, Alexei's success depends on which candidates will take part in the race for the presidency. Recently, according to the "leak" of information from Kiriyenko's meetings with Kremlin political scientists, it became known that V.V. Putin intends to run for 4 terms. Therefore, the further outcome of the elections is quite predictable.

Many media outlets stated that the presidential administration is looking for a serious "sparring partner" for Putin (candidate # 2) who can push back traditional competitors, make voting interesting to increase turnout and secretly work out for Vladimir Vladimirovich's victory.

At the end of 2016, in funds mass media Intensified PR of the current speaker of the State Duma V. Volodin was involved. In the opinion of the Bloomberg agency, a politician's entry into the public space is nothing more than the nomination of Putin's “successor” (candidate # 2) to the polls.

But the Kremlin realized that it was unrealistic to "spin" a new politician in a year and decided to bring A. Navalny into the game. It is ideal for competing against the following criteria:

  • High-profile criminal cases allow them to be resumed at any time and "remove" Alexei from big politics.
  • The candidate will strike at the “protest” opponents Zhirinovsky and Zyuganov.
  • The pro-Ukrainian position, support for the Maidan and ties with anti-Russian characters will once again remind voters of the threat from the West, raising Putin's image and excluding the possibility of a second round.
  • Navalny could win over the liberal electorate by taking away a significant portion of the votes from parliamentary parties.

Participants in the meetings with Kiriyenko let the media out about the plans of the Kremlin administration. The voter turnout should be about 75%, thanks to the intrigue with Navalny. Vladimir Putin must win in the first round with a clear lead - more than 70% of the votes. To "insure" against a possible busting of votes by other opponents, " gray cardinals»- representatives of various social interests: I. Strelkov, A. Zaldostanov, V. Milonov, etc.

The beginning of the promotion of candidate No. 2

The Kremlin launched Navalny's PR campaign back in late 2016. The broad discussion of the "Kirovles case" acquired a different color. Alexey refuses to take part in new court proceedings without a decision of the ECHR. The main topic of the media is "forcing" power. Allegedly, she was frightened and is trying by any means to put a "spoke in the wheels" of the oppositionist. The fact that a candidate poses a threat to the authorities adds political weight and prominence to him.

After a long silence, information sources begin to publish new accusations of the oligarchs Abramov and Abramovich Navalny of tax evasion, neglect of the interests of the country, etc. Anti-corruption activities fades into the background and the struggle for justice begins - the most actual topic for most citizens. This "maneuver" is used to expand the social base of voters.

Navalny's documentary: an investigation into the business and criminal ties of the sons of the Russian Prosecutor General Artyom and Igor Chaek.

Russia is a rich country, but the vast majority of citizens are poor. 88% of the national wealth belongs to 0.1% of the population, oligarchs and senior officials. Inequality and injustice became the basis of the system in Russia.

  • Oligarchs, whose fortune is gained from the resale of raw materials and state contracts, as well as participants in loans-for-shares auctions, must pay a large one-time tax, which compensates for the unfairness of privatization and recent years life of the country. (A similar tax was successfully applied in the UK in 1997.)
  • Prosperity for all will be raised only by economic growth, which is impossible without a radical reduction in the bureaucracy that destroys business in Russia.
  • Sole proprietors with low income should be completely exempt from taxes, regulation and reporting.
  • In Russia, the minimum wage should be set at 25,000 rubles per month. The minimum pension must be higher than the subsistence level.
  • Radical de-bureaucratization housing construction will reduce housing prices. Subsidized mortgage rates will provide any family with two working adults the opportunity to get a mortgage at 3% per annum.

Alexei Navalny is not associated with the oligarchs, who received huge fortunes as a result of loans-for-shares auctions. He will be able to conduct economic policy in the interests of Russian citizens, and not officials, oligarchs or security officials.
Navalny, with a team of leading economists, has developed a program of proactive measures to smooth out huge social inequality in Russia. He proposes to create equal conditions and opportunities for all who are willing to work and earn honestly. Among these measures are a high tax on super profits, an increase in the transparency of the work of state corporations, and a reduction in the tax burden on small businesses and self-employed Russians.

It's time to choose: fight corruption, not put up with theft

Corruption, general theft of officials is the main problem modern Russia... Corruption was defeated in many countries, and it can be defeated here.

  • Combating illicit enrichment. If an official leads a luxurious lifestyle, his expenses are clearly higher than his legal income and he cannot explain the origin of the money - a criminal case should be initiated against him.
  • Anti-corruption processes must be conducted in a public and transparent manner. Nobody should evade responsibility, as it was with Serdyukov and Vasilyeva.
  • Transparency in state-owned companies. Alexey Navalny and FBK have developed a package of bills, thanks to which state-owned companies will cease to be feeding troughs for relatives and friends of senior government officials.
  • If the media publishes facts about corruption of an official, he is obliged to refute them or resign and be subject to criminal prosecution.
  • The adoption of the FBK bill on the fight against corruption in the state order, where now, according to the official data of the Accounts Chamber, over 1.5 trillion rubles are plundered annually.
  • Full disclosure of the ultimate owners of all companies supplying services and goods to the state and state-owned companies.

Even his ill-wishers recognize Alexei Navalny as the best anti-corruption expert in Russia. Thanks to the work of Navalny and his Anti-Corruption Fund (FBK), numerous facts of theft of officials were revealed. FBK's many years of experience allowed Alexey Navalny to develop a program of decisive and effective measures to defeat corruption. This program is formulated in the form of specific, well-developed bills.

It's time to choose: hospitals and roads, not the palaces of officials

The main wealth of Russia is its people. Oil dollars should work to create modern infrastructure - hospitals, schools, roads, and not to build luxurious palaces for officials. It is unacceptable that in Russia in the 21st century, millions of people still live without affordable medicine, without normal roads, without high-quality housing and communal services.

  • Health care expenditures must double in order to ensure the modern level of medical services.
  • Europe and the United States are increasingly switching to free education. In Russia, we are moving towards paid. This is absurd. On the contrary, it is beneficial for us to teach people and spend any money on it.
  • Teachers should teach children, not waste 80% of their time on meaningless paper reports.
  • Priority budget investments should be aimed at bringing Russia's stuck road and rail network into a state of the 21st century.

Alexei Navalny believes that the first step is to provide a basic standard of quality of life. Because it is a shame to collectively collect money for the treatment of children, while officials openly buy themselves yachts and palaces. It is a shame that the word “pensioner” in Russia is actually equated with the word “beggar”.
Budgeting options are always limited, so it is important to prioritize correctly. Modern hospitals, quality schools, safe roads are the best investment in the country's future.

Time to choose: economic development, not political isolation

IN modern world it is more profitable to be friends and trade than to fight. Russia needs to use its unique position between Europe and Asia to become a respected partner for all. In the modern world, the country whose citizens live freely and in prosperity is respected.

  • The hundreds of billions that Russia is now throwing into wars in Syria and Ukraine, to help distant countries, should be better spent on improving life at home.
  • Our country benefits from political and economic rapprochement with prosperous European countries.
  • Russia needs a visa regime with Central Asia and the countries of the Caucasus. Labor migrants should come on work visas, and not uncontrollably, as now.
  • Russia should be the leading country in Europe and Asia. The country must expand its influence through economic power and cultural expansion, including support for the Russian language throughout the world.

For many years, Alexei Navalny has been in favor of a visa regime with the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus, and for equal cooperation with the European Union. Guest workers should come only on work visas, to a specific employer at a specific workplace, to places where they really cannot be dispensed with. For the whole world, Russia should become an economically attractive country, with which everyone wants to cooperate and which everyone respects, because its citizens live with dignity and wealth.

It's time to choose: justice for everyone, not the arbitrariness of the security forces

Without an independent and fair court, there can be no successful business, no fair elections, or just a normal life. As long as the power structures work on the principle of “hand washes,” citizens cannot feel at home in their own country.

  • Judicial reform is a top priority. Without it, there will be no other reform and nothing will work. We will make judges respectable and truly independent.
  • The police must again become a body that people will trust and not fear; police service must be prestigious and well paid.
  • Grassroots police units are key, they need to be well funded and free of most of the useless reporting.
  • The siloviki should be deprived of the unnecessary powers that now allow them to levy taxes on entrepreneurs. The security officials will receive a decent salary for the work they should be doing.

Alexey Navalny is a lawyer and knows very well that the principles of the rule of law and equality of all before the law are fundamental. Together with his team, Navalny has developed a draft judicial reform that will eradicate the "telephone law" in the courts, will give judges the opportunity to work based on the law, and not on the opinion of their superiors. Thanks to Navalny's judicial reform, justice will return to the courts. The court will stand not on the side of the strong, but on the side of the one behind whom the truth is.
Restoring justice to a country must start with fair courts and police.

Image copyright Image caption Navalny was the first of the future presidential candidates to publish his program

Alexei Navalny published the program with which he is going to the presidential elections in 2018. Among his proposals are the transition to a contract army, lustration of officials and a reduction in government spending on security. The BBC asked experts to comment on his plan.

In two days, the Federation Council will set a date for the presidential elections in Russia. Putin's most prominent opponent, founder of the Anti-Corruption Foundation, Alexei Navalny, has already announced his participation in the elections, but will most likely not be allowed to participate, sources told the BBC Russian Service.

But until the official registration begins, Navalny meets with voters, opens headquarters in the regions and campaigns on the Internet. On Wednesday, he published a program with which he intends to go to the presidential elections - the first of all politicians who announced their intention to participate in the election race.

The implementation of this program will cost 7.8 trillion rubles, experts of Navalny calculated.

Human rights activist Elena Lukyanova, economist Sergei Aleksashenko, writer Boris Akunin, politician Vladimir Milov, head of the human rights organization "Agora" Pavel Chikov and other experts took part in drafting the program.

The BBC Russian service studied the main points of the program and asked political scientists, economists and lawyers to evaluate them.

Political reform

What Navalny offers:

  • Limiting the powers of the president and reducing the presidential term to four years
  • Empowering Parliament: Moving from a Super-Presidential to a Presidential-Parliamentary Republic
  • Reducing the entry barrier to the Duma up to 3%
  • Expanding the powers of the regions

Abbas Gallyamov, political scientist:

"The idea of \u200b\u200blimiting the powers of the president will not find a response in the hearts of voters, but closer to the next elections it may well be in demand. Fatigue from such a long rule of one person will greatly increase by that moment, and people will begin to think that it is the concentration of all power in the hands One politician is the root cause of all troubles, and if by that time Navalny has staked out this topic for himself, then he will be at the center of the agenda.

Expanding the rights of parliament, including in terms of control over the activities of the executive branch, is a standard requirement of fighters against personalist regimes. This is nothing new. The requirement is generally correct.

Lowering the entry barrier and simultaneous democratization will lead to the flourishing of small parties and the fragmentation of the political space. There is a risk that this will again lead to the voter feeling the chaos that he had in the 90s, with their multi-party system. Therefore, I would not lower the barrier. It is enough just to stop falsifying elections.

“Expansion of the rights of the regions is the most obvious and correct requirement of all of the above. Moscow is disliked in the country, and the emergence of an anti-Moscow dimension in Navalny's rhetoric will help him win the sympathy of the provinces. In addition, it will help him soften his anti-Moscow dandy.

Fight against corruption

What Navalny offers:

  • Establishment of a special structure for the fight against corruption, not included in the system of law enforcement agencies
  • Ratification of the UN Convention against Corruption, including the article on the fight against illegal enrichment of officials
  • Increasing the statute of limitations for corruption crimes

Anton Pominov, CEO of Transparency International - Russia (TIR):

"Ukraine has already done what Navalny has now proposed. In 2014, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine was created there - a law enforcement agency of Ukraine with broad power powers. Under the law on it, no one can get into this bureau. And the body has become so independent that it is NABU began to conduct investigations against the Rada deputies.

A single body to fight corruption is a sound initiative. The question is whether he will be able to really investigate the cases, which the prosecutor's office has not been able to approach for years. "

Elena Panfilova, hhead of the Design and Training Laboratory for Anti-Corruption Policy, National Research University Higher School of Economics:

"Almost all the proposals are similar to the traditional" wish list "of Transparency International to the annual Corruption Perceptions Index. Navalny should have added to the program the introduction of legislation to protect the complainant about corruption. Without it, nothing will happen: people are pressed, people are afraid to declare ...

A single body coordinating the fight against corruption is needed. In modern Russia, too many people are engaged in this, 11 ministries and departments. The idea that this body should stay away from the current government is correct in principle, but it is difficult to implement it. "

Image copyright Evgeniy Feldman for "This is Navalny" project Image caption Navalny has been holding meetings with voters for several months

Lustration

What Navalny offers:

  • Adoption of a law on lustration and creation of a commission for lustration
  • Rotation of the composition The Supreme Court, as well as lustration of judges "caught in participation in unjust, contract and political processes"
  • "Cleansing" the legislation and repealing a number of odious laws, including the "law of Dima Yakovlev" and the law on the "right to be forgotten"

Andrey Yurov, permanent expert of the Moscow Helsinki Group, human rights activist:

"In some countries lustrations were carried out and met the standards of human rights and legislation, in others they did not meet. The experience of European countries shows that it happens this way and that. The question is not that the idea itself is good or bad. It will all be in the details: for whom, how, what procedure, and who are the judges Will there be an independent evaluation system, accepted and respected by all.

This needs to be looked at very seriously; a very serious legal basis is needed to prohibit occupying any positions. In any case, there are people who have committed illegal actions, among them are law enforcement officers and officials. And something has to be done with them. "

Natalia Orlova, Chief Economist" Alfa Bank" :

“In other countries, the most successful experience of reforming any areas was associated with replacing people. So, in some form, we need lustration in the economy.

I don't know if this means that people from state-owned companies should lose the opportunity to work in large companies, but something like that should happen. If all the nomenclature remains, the essence will not change. "

Army and defense

What Navalny offers:

  • Full transition to a contract-voluntary army
  • Creation of competition in the field of government orders
  • Reducing budget expenditures on national security and law enforcement and their redistribution to health care and education

Viktor Murakhovsky, editor-in-chief of the Arsenal of the Fatherland magazine:

"It is technically possible to translate the Russian army on a contract basis. But in my opinion, today it is absolutely unrealistic. We can keep an army on contract in constant combat readiness. But then the question of reserves will arise - they will not exist. Politician not boom-boom in military affairs.

The question is in the operational tasks that the armed forces should solve in peacetime and wartime. We have strategic areas that need to be closed by the appropriate groupings of troops. As a military specialist, I will say that the size of the army of 500 thousand people, as Navalny suggests, is nonsense, we must proceed not from numbers, but from operational tasks.

Competition in the field of state defense orders is peculiar, we had an attempt to create it. What happened: the company takes the order, but does not fulfill it, it misses the deadline due to its unavailability - it's not diapers and not fences made of corrugated board. And the president had to personally come to the factories and take care of them.

There are almost no state-owned enterprises in the United States that supply the military. But our economic structure is different. Last year, 70% of the state order in the defense industry was carried out by the only contractors. Well, we have no other plant that can build tanks or solid-propellant intercontinental ballistic missiles. Competition is correct, in theory everything is fine, but such dreamers crash face-to-face with real life. "

Economy

What Navalny offers:

  • Raising the minimum wage to 25 thousand rubles
  • Pension reform
  • Ban on business inspections, transition to electronic control
  • Replacement of taxes on small business with a patent fee of 25-30 thousand rubles
  • Cancellation of "Plato" and recycling fee
  • Demonopolization of strategic sectors of the economy and rejection of ineffective state projects

Konstantin Sonin, professor at the University of Chicago:

“There are obvious dangers to raising the minimum wage - in a country with strong trade unions and the risks of high unemployment, an increase in the minimum wage could lead to an increase in unemployment and a decrease in production. In addition, it reduces the incentives for company owners to reinvest. But in Russia in 2017 there are virtually no trade unions, and the risks of high unemployment are minimal - that is, an increase in the minimum wage is simply a redistribution from firm owners to employees, from rich to poor.

A politician fighting for power is expected to speak about pension reform. It seems to me that what is important is that the promises that the politician makes are realizable. Putin's governments have created many sensible pension management plans, but all of these plans have been ruined by the fact that the government has not been able to adhere to any of them for at least 5 years.

Reducing the pressure on business is a very complex, huge reform, but potentially the most important economic reform, because weak institutions ("pressure from the security forces") are the main reason for the stagnation of the Russian economy. "

Natalia Orlova, chief economist at Alfa Bank:

"As for raising the minimum wage to 25 thousand, this is some kind of populist measure. The current government can also distribute and finance social promises. The main problem is not that we have a low level of social security, but that there is no growth that would allow to raise them.

The part of the program that focuses on reducing business pressure can improve overall mood. In principle, the targeted measures from the program, for example, for the same taxes, look quite adequate. But the scale of Navalny's criticism of the current government suggested that his program would go beyond the scope of targeted measures and be more global. I mean, first of all, internal problems.

I completely agree with Navalny's proposal to abandon ineffective state projects, even though they provided investment. Because it's wasted money. "

Navalny also promises to stop "supporting dictatorial regimes", achieve the lifting of sanctions and reduce tensions between Russia and the West, and introduce a visa regime with Central Asia.

"Navalny's program must be viewed in a political context. He cannot count on being allowed to participate in the elections, so this is not a program for a candidate who will participate in debates on Channel One with Zyuganov and others. This is a list of goals," the political scientist says Gleb Pavlovsky.

"His real political work, which, in my opinion, he has almost finished - he returned the elections from the field of some Kremlin scenarios, where they were for 20 years, back to society. Today, a full-fledged debate with many people has been going on. reduced to a short phrase: "I am for you, not for these," - says Pavlovsky.

“If 'populist measures' are measures aimed at improving the living conditions of citizens, then why avoid them?” Says the economist Sonin. harm to the economy, "he concludes.

"If we talk about economic programs in general, non-populist reforms can only be carried out by a person with a good political rating. Support allows unpopular economic reforms to be carried out - this is to some extent happened with Boris Yeltsin in the 90s," - draws an analogy with Orlov from Alfa- bank.