Kurnosenko Andrey Anatolyevich Ministry of Internal Affairs biography dismissed. Kurnosenko Andrey Anatolyevich - RUCRIMINAL. The truth will set you free. Major General Andrei Kurnosenko appointed chief anti-corruption fighter in the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs
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"Peton" takes by force strangulation
New kings of government contracts: convicted Eduard Gasanov, defendant Oleg Polyakov and head of GUEBiPK Andrey Kurnosenko
Alexander Sedunov| Eduard Gasanov
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The beneficiaries of this structure are not the Aminov brothers, not Gennady Timchenko, Not Iskander Makhmudov, but a group of businessmen with an extremely dubious past. In particular, the brothers Oleg and Dmitry Polyakov have repeatedly been involved in investigations of fraud, theft, hostile takeovers, hooliganism and shooting, and the latter was even accused.
Their lifelong friends and partners in Peton, brothers Eduard and Marif Gasanov, were in the development of the Bashkir Organized Crime Control Department for a long time, about a dozen cases of fraud were brought against them, and the first of the relatives even served a large sentence for embezzlement. Now these people are “mastering” Gazprom’s 170 billion rubles.
What is the reason for this success? It's simple. Peton, in our opinion, has strong support in law enforcement agencies, and as the “curators” rise through the ranks, so do the amounts of contracts received by the company. In particular, apparently, these curators have leverage over individual top managers of Gazprom. But these security forces cannot directly influence Rosneft, Bashneft, which belongs to it, and their top managers. And Peton is now almost deprived of contracts from its once dear Bashneft.
As a result, the Polyakovs and Hasanovs, together with their long-time partner Ali Uzdenov, seem to be “weaving” a whole “web” around Igor Sechin and top managers under his control. The game, of course, is risky, but if successful, the number of contracts can double.
From the zone - to the director of "Peton"
"Peton" can be called a family business. The enterprise was created back in 1990 by the scientist Igor Mnushkin and for almost twenty years it was a rather ordinary structure that could only dream of a contract for even 100 million rubles. Everything began to change in 2007, when Mnouchkine appointed the husband of his daughter Olesya, Eduard Gasanov, to the position of commercial director. He brought his old friend Oleg Polyakov into Peton.Gradually, all the key positions at the enterprise and in its “subsidiaries” were occupied by: Olesya Gasanova, Eduard and Marif Gasanov, Oleg and Dmitry Polyakov. Thus, Olesya Gasanova (nee Mnushkina) is a co-founder of Peton Himtek LLC, Peton-invest LLC, Peton LLC. Her husband, Eduard Gasanov, was the general director and chairman of the board of directors of NIPI NG Peton, and is now a member of the board of directors. He is a co-owner of Peton Invest Technology LLC and Peton Construction LLC. His brother, Marif Hasanov, is a co-owner of Uralneftegazprom, Energokomplekt LLC, and has held and continues to hold various positions in Peton LLC and Bashtorgservis LLC.
Together, the Mnushkin-Hasanov family officially controls more than half of Peton and its “subsidiaries” structures. A close friend of Eduard Hasanov, Oleg Polyakov, is a member of the board of directors of NIPI NG Peton, general director of Peton Invest Technology, and co-founder of Peton Construction. His brother, Dmitry Polyakov, is the general director of Peton-invest, the founder of Energo Komplekt M LLC, NPP Intech LLC, NPO Geotekhnologiya LLC, Spetsgeotechproekt LLC. Together, the Polyakov family controls about 40% of Peton's entire business.
Let's turn to the biography of this team of “successful” top managers who manage hundreds of billions from Gazprom.
Let's start with Eduard Hasanov - a man with a biography that may be the envy of some criminal "authorities". Here is the Sterlitamak City Court in 2001 against Gasanov, who found him guilty of several counts of fraud.
As investigators established, during April 2000, Gasanov, in collusion with employees of Soda OJSC, stole soda ash from this enterprise.
To do this, Hasanov agreed with the employees of Soda OJSC that they would help him steal goods from the enterprise, and Eduard would look for buyers. Whole carloads of soda were transported from the enterprise using false invoices, and the proceeds ended up with Hasanov and his accomplices.
As a result, Hasanov was found guilty of fraud and sentenced to seven years in a general regime colony. He did not serve the entire term.
Hasanov was released only in July 2004, at which time he received a new passport to replace the certificate of arrival from prison. And immediately Hasanov was put on the so-called “registration” by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Bashkiria. Registered citizens are the most “tasty” characters for operas, especially as agents. And if they are still related to business, then they become not only suppliers of necessary information and participants in operational experiments, but also the “hands” and “wallets” of police officers in the field of entrepreneurship. It seems that Hasanov did not escape the same fate. Moreover, this fate cannot be called sad.
Six years after the verdict (in 2007), Hasanov took the position of commercial director of the Peton company. In this position, he used the entire range of skills mastered in the colony.
Less than a year after his appointment, Hasanov almost ended up in prison again. In 2008, Azamat Sultangareev, born in 1984, applied to the internal affairs bodies. He said that Gasanov, “under the threat of force,” took a receipt for the transfer of money in the amount of 1.2 million rubles. But since Eduard was probably already an integral member of the team of Bashkir police officers, these materials were quickly hushed up.
Geographically, the closest giant enterprise to Peton was, of course, Bashneft. She was chosen as a potential “cash cow”. The enterprise, however, initially turned out to be a “tough nut to crack.” The former employee of the local FSB Directorate, head of the department of economic security and information protection of Bashneft, Vladimir Butorin, was especially opposed to concluding contracts with Peton. And in December 2009, a killer fired five bullets at him. The investigation into the murder was supervised by the then head of the Criminal Investigation Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Bashkiria, Vladislav Gorkavtsev. And, not surprisingly, the crime remained unsolved. After that, contracts from Bashneft began flowing to Peton. Ali Uzdenov, who became vice-president of Bashneft in 2009, contributed a lot to this.
Eduard’s brother, Marif Gasanov, a native of the Kazakh city of Aktau and, according to eyewitnesses, an adherent of radical movements of Islam, has an equally interesting biography. On January 15, 2013, in Ufa, at the intersection of Mendeleev and Agisha streets, a Toyota Camry (license number K921UO197), driven by Marif, was stopped. When examining the numbers of components and assemblies of the machine, it was found that they were all broken. Later it turned out that Hasanov was driving a stolen car. However, he was not charged.
On April 5, 2014, Marif again attracted the attention of operatives. On this day, the police received a call from the Ufa JSC Neftikhimremont that armed people had carried out a raider seizure of the enterprise. Several squads arrived at the scene and the leader of the raiders was identified. It turned out to be Marif. But this story also ended with a slight fright for him.
The Polyakovs are not available for investigation
The criminal dossier on Oleg and Dmitry Polyakov takes up more than one page. In 2005, Marat Zakiev contacted the police with a statement that Dmitry Polyakov, through deception and abuse of trust, had stolen bills worth 2.2 million rubles from him. A case was opened regarding this fact, in which Oleg Polyakov was also involved.A year later, the brothers were already involved in the development of the Organized Crime Control Department of Bashkiria. In April 2006, a case was initiated against Dmitry Polyakov on the fact that he, as the general director of Yuzhuralresurs LLC, signed an agreement for the supply of petroleum products with Omsk Naftey LLC. The latter company transferred a large sum to Dmitry Polyakov’s structure, but they never received the goods. Oleg Polyakov had the status of a witness in that case.
Already in February 2007, based on materials from the Organized Crime Control Department, a new criminal case was opened against Dmitry Polyakov - under Part 4 of Article 159 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (fraud on an especially large scale). According to investigators, in 2004, “D.V. Polyakov, having the intent to steal other people’s property on an especially large scale, fraudulently entered into an agreement for the supply of petroleum products” with the capital’s Techno-City LLC. Under the terms of the agreement, companies controlled by the Polyakov family - BashTekhResurs LLC and YuzhUralResurs LLC - were to supply 240 tons of diesel fuel. Muscovites immediately transferred 6.5 million rubles, but they never received the goods even after three years. And Oleg Polyakov also appeared in this investigation.
Oleg’s personal “list” is no less rich in criminal events. So, in 2004, Oleg Polyakov was checked for attempting to commit fraud. Then he, as the commercial director of Investcapital LLC, turned to a number of banks to obtain large loans. During the audit, it was found that Polyakov identified himself as the commercial director of the LLC, which is not in the database, and his office telephone numbers are not valid.
His work as general director of the large enterprise Ufakabel turned out to be “particularly successful.” In 2013, he re-registered the patent for the production of MKPSV brand cable, which brought Ufakabel more than 70% of gross revenue, to the First Cable Company LLC controlled by him.
The owners of Ufakabel have repeatedly submitted applications to law enforcement agencies regarding this fact, but all of them have been rejected.
Polyakov celebrated the successful acquisition of the patent for a long time and noisily. So, in June 2014, he and the girls had fun at the Ufa nightclub “Velvet”. In the morning, the drunken Polyakov had a conflict with other club visitors because of these same girls. As a result, Oleg pulled out a “trauma” and opened fire on his opponents. One of them was seriously injured. Hiding from the establishment's security guards, Polyakov continued firing.
However, none of these criminal stories ended in a conviction. Even shooting in the club. The reason for this, in our opinion, is simple - Polyakov is a relative of one of the high-ranking officials of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Belarus. Probably, back in the late 2000s, the Gasanov and Polyakov families established stable business ties with a group of Bashkir security officials and since then have become untouchable figures for local law enforcement officers.
Are you stopping you from getting a government contract? GUEBiPK and the Federal Tax Service are coming to you
Now let's move on to the most interesting part. How did such a “cheerful” public stand on a par (in terms of the amount of government contracts) with Iskander Makhmudov and Timchenko.It is no secret on the specialized market that a sharp “breakthrough” in the activities of Peton occurred after Ali Uzdenov became vice-president of Bashneft in 2009 (he worked in this position until 2012, and his arrival was just coincided with the murder of security officer Vladimir Butorin).
This native of the Karachay-Cherkess Republic is a well-known figure; he headed Gazprom Mezhregiongaz Rostov-on-Don and is the owner of the Rostov football club. Market participants believe that it was thanks to Uzdenov that Peton had reliable support within Bashneft and in a short period received government contracts worth over 1 billion rubles. It is believed that Uzdenov is an unofficial co-owner of Peton and receives a very good “piece” from the enterprise’s fabulous profits.
Observers associate most of Uzdenov’s successes with a group of security officials who came from Rostov-on-Don, who occupied responsible positions in Moscow. The list of his curators includes the same Dmitry Senin from the FSB (now on the wanted list) and, of course, Colonel Dmitry Zakharchenko. The latter was on friendly terms with Uzdenov, probably involving tens of millions of dollars.
In turn, as already reported above, Gasanov (as a business agent of the operatives) and Oleg Polyakov (through a relative in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Belarus) had powerful support among the security forces of Bashkiria. And then these security officials were promoted and took leadership positions in the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, in the same place where Uzdenov’s friend Dmitry Zakharchenko had long worked.
So, in 2014, the former deputy head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Bashkortostan, Andrei Kurnosenko, was appointed deputy head of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, and less than a year later he headed this department.
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| Andrey Kurnosenko
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They were quickly joined by several people from the old team, in particular, the head of one of the Blanks departments. However, Blankov “inherited” a lot even under Sugrobov, so he was exiled “out of harm’s way” on a long business trip to Crimea. His place at the head of the “gas” department of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation was taken by Uvarov, a friend of Kurnosenko. A prominent member of the group was the head of the “T” Department, Alexander Tishchenko, and his deputy, Dmitry Zakharchenko, who oversaw the entire fuel and energy complex.
Thus, “Peton”, it seems, has a mega cover and a lobbyist among the federal security forces. And then large-scale work began to create Peton as a recipient of government contracts worth tens of billions of rubles.
Ali Uzdenov was previously familiar with Gazprom top manager Kirill Seleznev. But Uzdenov and Peton moved to a new level of relations with Seleznev when Dmitry Zakharchenko, who had long known the top manager of Gazprom, asked for assistance to this structure. Moreover, Seleznev was quite likely explained that “Peton” is not only criminal businessmen like the Polyakovs and Gasanovs, but a large group of employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation of the highest level, with whom no one wants problems. Especially Seleznev, who has a huge trail of various dubious stories behind him. Moreover, these were not empty words, but they were confirmed by concrete actions.
Thus, firms that were going to compete with Peton for the right to conclude contracts with Gazprom were told head-on: if you get in the way, you will get problems with the GUEBiPK and the tax office. The last structure was not called by chance. Representatives of the GUEBiPK established partnerships with the Interregional Inspectorate of the Federal Tax Service of Russia for the largest taxpayers No. 2, whose jurisdiction includes Gazprom. Apparently, representatives of the Bashkir vertical have developed a special friendship with the deputy head of the Federal Tax Service No. 2, Sergei Andrianov.
Since the threats came directly from representatives of the GUEBiPK, including the leadership of Directorate “T”, potential competitors preferred to “go away from the race”. Among them were even “subsidiary” structures of Gazprom itself. But there were those who “did not understand” and were stubborn. For example, Gazprom Transgaz Yugorsk and Vostok Morneftegaz, which categorically refused to voluntarily give up potential billions and drop out of competitions for the right to conclude contracts. A large group of unexpected guests immediately came to them, consisting of employees of the GUEBiPK (primarily the “T” Directorate) and the Federal Tax Service of the Russian Federation. They launched large-scale inspections of enterprises, always looking for materials sufficient to initiate criminal cases.
In such a situation, there was no time for competitions and Peton easily got rid of competitors.
As a result, the amounts of government contracts concluded with Peton are constantly growing every year. Everything is on stream. And the arrest of Zakharchenko, as well as the dismissal of Tishchenko, did not affect this process in any way. Kurnosenko and other leaders of GUEBiPK remained in their posts. Hiding behind the name of Dmitry Mironov (former Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs, and now the governor of the Yaroslavl region), they made it so that Gazprom began shipping government contracts to Peton on a completely non-competitive basis.
"Web" around Sechin
But Peton’s relationship with Bashneft did not work out after Uzdenov’s dismissal from this company. In 2013, the Ufa plants of Bashneft were headed by Yakov Polunkin, who began to cut off Peton from the money trough. And when Bashneft began to belong to Rosneft, the remaining financial streams dried up completely.For several years, Peton received almost nothing at all from Bashneft. Which is understandable. It was Seleznev who was easy prey for representatives of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. And such a “nut to crack” as the head of Rosneft, Igor Sechin, is completely too much for them. The situation began to change in 2016, when Uzdenov took the post of vice president of AFK Sistema, the former owner of Bashneft, from which the company was transferred to Rosneft. As you know, Sechin, to put it mildly, has a difficult relationship with the owner of AFK Sistema, Vladimir Yevtushenkov, and the “war” with him is precisely because of Bashneft.
Perhaps Uzdenov decided to play on this conflict. He looked for a long time for “exits” to Sechin and finally found them. It is known that Uzdenov offered to become Igor Ivanovich’s “hands and ears” in Yevtushenkov’s camp. In exchange, Uzdenov probably wants two conditions to be met. Now he is convincing Yevtushenkov to give him control of the Segezha Group company, which then, it seems, he intends to simply seize and keep for himself. And for this we need the support of a powerful heavyweight such as Sechin. The second condition is to increase cash flows from Bashneft for Peton. And indeed, in the same 2016, Peton returned to the number of Rosneft suppliers. But, of course, these financial streams are not enough for the “Petone” people.
Now, in our opinion, Oleg Polyakov and Eduard Gasanov, with the support of a number of employees of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, have begun to build a “web” into which, according to their plans, the current head of Bashneft, Andrei Shishkin, should fall (by the way, it was he who once handed over the suitcases with money to Minister Ulyukaev, after which the latter was detained). Shishkin also doesn’t have any special sympathy for Peton. We are, of course, not talking about provocations a la Sugrobov. However, they are trying to build a strategy in which either Shishkin will not be at the head of Bashneft, or he will be forced to become much more accommodating.
Time will tell how successful the next “operation” of “Peton” and their “curators” will be.
Biography:
Graduate of the Black Sea Higher Naval School. Postscript by Nakhimov.
In 2001 he graduated from Moscow State Social University with a degree in jurisprudence.
The Internal Affairs Service began in 1995, a security officer in the Regional Directorate for Combating Organized Crime in the Moscow Police.
Since October 2006, he worked in the Main Directorate of Internal Security of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs.
In December 2012, he was appointed Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Bashkortostan.
In 2014-2015, he served as deputy, first deputy head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs.
By Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of December 23, 2015 No. 657, he was appointed head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Has state and departmental awards.
The head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Andrei Kurnosenko, received a warning about incomplete official compliance after a ministerial inspection. Official representative of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs Irina Volk told RIA Novosti on Thursday, September 29.
“For failure to comply with appropriate measures to strengthen official discipline and the rule of law in the entrusted unit, the head of GUEBK and Andrei Kurnosenko were disciplined in the form of a warning about incomplete compliance with services,” she noted.
LENTA.RU, 09.29.2016
The third week in the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the GUVBiPK represents a large-scale audit of the criminal case initiated against the former head of the “T” department, Colonel Dmitry Zakharchenko. The policeman was detained for a bribe of 7 million rubles, but during a search of his relatives' apartment, almost 9 billion rubles in cash in rubles and foreign currency were found, and another 13 million rubles, 170 thousand dollars and 5 thousand euros were found in his car. The policeman himself could not explain the origin of the wealth, and investigators believe that he is actively involved in the fuel and energy sector and the shadow banking business. Now Zakharchenko is in prison under investigation.
The inspector was also visited by the head of 47-year-old General Director of GUEB & PK Andrey Kurnosenko. The fact is that on the day of Zakharchenko’s searches at home and at work, the head of the anti-corruption command post unexpectedly found himself on a business trip. They say he flew abroad. The security officers doubt the coincidence, because Kurnosenko is from the GUSB. It is likely that his former colleagues warned him about the special operation he was carrying out. The general himself also suspected something: sources in the Ministry of Internal Affairs say that already on September 9, he placed a resignation report on the desk of his boss, Vladimir Kolokoltsov, but he had not yet signed it. The general's fate will be decided based on the results of the inspection of his unit, but not in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, but in the presidential administration.
Now the employees of the FSB MB had even more suspicions and questions about Kurnosenko. During the audit, the total funds were worth hundreds of millions of rubles. As it turned out, until recently he was the owner of expensive mansions and lands in the prestigious Istra and Krasnogorsk districts of the Moscow region - worth about 160 million rubles.
LIFE. ru, 04.10.2016
Meanwhile, law enforcement officials say that the scandal with Dmitry Zakharchenko could lead to an analysis of flights in the central office of the police department. According to some reports, some already planned appointments to senior positions in the police service (including GUEBK and the police) may be suspended or cancelled, according to media reports, the head of this anti-corruption chapter, Police Major General Andrei Kurnosenko, is said to have submitted a resignation report, which, according to the Law on Police, is responsible for the indecent actions of its subordinates.
Immediately after Zakharchenko’s arrest, his direct leader, head of the GUEBiPK Ministry of Internal Affairs Andrei Kurnosenko, resigned. However, the “release” command soon came. The head of the National Guard, Viktor Zolotov, personally worked for the general.
RUSPRESS, 05.12.2016.
In the Istra district, he owned four land plots with a total area of 5 thousand square meters. m, as well as a mansion,” a source in the intelligence services told Life.
The largest area is 1.5 thousand square meters. m in Kurnosenko was located in the village of Turovo in the Istra district. Its approximate cost is estimated at 10 million rubles. In the same village, Kurnosenko owned three more plots and a mansion.
In November 2015, Kurnosenko, who was then the first deputy head of the center
More than 100 billion rubles stolen as a result of economic crimes were returned to the budget by police officers last year. Head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption (GUEBiPK) of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, Major General of Police Andrey Kurnosenko told Kommersant why large-scale investigations in Dagestan began right now, what explains the sharp decrease in the number of detected bribes, and what methods are used to finance terrorist and extremist organizations.
Protecting budget funds in the current economic conditions has become one of the most pressing tasks. What areas of solution are the main ones for your service?
We are talking, first of all, about countering the theft of budget funds allocated for the implementation of state defense orders, federal target programs, and priority national projects. In addition, it is important to prevent abuse when placing orders for the supply of goods, performance of work, and provision of services for state and municipal needs.
In total, last year, employees of our service managed to identify more than 70 thousand crimes of an economic and corruption nature, about 45 thousand of them were investigated, about 26 thousand people were brought to criminal responsibility. The total damage from these crimes amounted to 177.5 billion rubles, 100.5 billion were recovered. As for the budget sector itself, 4,697 crimes were solved, of which 2,506 had a corruption component. 1,746 people were brought to criminal responsibility. The amount of damage identified from their actions amounted to more than 17.7 billion rubles.
Government funds are stolen in a variety of ways. For example, the case of the theft of more than 150 million rubles, in which the deputy head of the Federal Property Management Agency Elena Patkina was arrested, caused a great stir. When she worked in the department's regional territorial directorate near Moscow, several of its employees pulled off a combination. They took advantage of the fact that the funds of payers who incorrectly indicate details when transferring payments under contracts are credited to the section of unclear payments of the federal budget. Instead of returning them to the payment accounts of the payers, the department employees prepared and sent fictitious documents with false information about the affiliation and type of payments to the Moscow Region Treasury. As a result, the funds were redistributed to a special account, after which the defendants, using a digital signature, prepared payment orders, according to which the money was transferred to front organizations and then stolen.
We pay special attention to abuses in the military-industrial complex. Last year, our service managed to identify 245 crimes in this industry, about a third more than the year before. On this issue, we are working closely with colleagues from the FSB, the prosecutor’s office, and the Investigative Committee. The main methods of theft are the same: unreasonably inflated prices for material and technical assets and services provided, as well as inflated volumes of work performed. But the main thing remains the withdrawal of funds through contractors affiliated with the persons responsible for the distribution and disbursement of funds. A classic example of such thefts is that committed during the construction of the Vostochny cosmodrome. There have been cases when up to a dozen contractors were signed up as executors of one contract. Naturally, in order to confuse the traces of stolen funds as much as possible. We are still picking up the leads on the thefts at Vostochny today, in any case, I am sure that not a single “figure” responsible for the current situation with the cosmodrome will escape responsibility.
However, the issue of distribution of funds in the defense industry is related to state secrets. We try not to harm production or scientific developments, so we try to conduct our events especially delicately. The work here is carried out by the service on a systematic basis, but for obvious reasons we cannot talk about all of its results.
“The latest events in Dagestan did not come as a surprise”
A large-scale investigation into embezzlement in the budgetary and other spheres by former senior officials and officials of various departments in Dagestan caused a great stir. Did your employees work in this republic?
There was really a lot of material about abuses in Dagestan. Employees of our headquarters constantly work as part of the operational headquarters in the North Caucasus and in the closest cooperation with the FSB of Russia. Since the beginning of this year, 59 crimes have been identified in the republic against leaders at various levels, and 39 criminal cases have been initiated. Among them - against the head of Makhachkala for fraud with land plots in the capital of the republic, the minister of construction, architecture and housing and communal services of the region and the deputy minister of transport, energy and communications of the republic, who committed multimillion-dollar thefts when spending budget funds.
In addition, our service in Dagestan and other republics of the North Caucasus Federal District pays special attention to the decriminalization of the fuel and energy sector. For two years, employees of the headquarters, together with colleagues from territorial divisions, dealt with this problem. Large-scale and systemic abuses were revealed in tariff setting for energy resources, theft of petroleum products, sales of low-quality fuel, massive tax evasion in the fuel and energy sector market, and this amounts to billions of rubles. As a result, last year about one and a half thousand criminal cases were initiated regarding relevant abuses. It should be noted that the situation that developed in Dagestan in these matters had an extremely negative impact on the mood of people who were outraged that the distribution of energy resources was not transparent, there was no control, the lion's share of operations in the fuel and energy sector market was carried out illegally, and therefore no additional jobs were created there .
But these are problems not only for Dagestan. There are similar ones in other republics of the North Caucasus Federal District. It’s just that, as I already said, in Dagestan they have already switched to implementing the information collected by law enforcement agencies.
Most of the crimes you are talking about have a corruption component. Meanwhile, according to statistics recently published by the Prosecutor General's Office, the number of detected cases of bribery over the year decreased by approximately 40%. How can this be explained?
We have studied this issue. There are several factors to consider. Firstly, when we talk about officials, heads of government agencies related to budget distribution, then, of course, the high-profile corruption processes of recent times have had a serious preventive impact. The leaders made sure that no one was untouchable. On the other hand, bribery is still characterized by high latency, and it is manifested not only in the reluctance of bribe givers to report crimes. New methods of conspiracy are emerging, methods of transferring bribes are changing: remote access, offshore companies, companies affiliated through third parties, and various electronic payment systems are used. Another important point was the introduction in June 2016 of articles into the Criminal Code providing for liability for petty bribery and commercial bribery - 291.1 and 204.1. As it turned out, these phenomena, the cases of which are considered in a simplified manner, are quite large-scale. When we are talking about large amounts of bribes, about significant damage caused through corruption schemes, we still identify a lot of such crimes. Among the illustrative criminal cases, I will mention the one initiated based on our operational materials against the vice-speaker of the Nizhny Novgorod Legislative Assembly. He is accused of a number of corruption charges, including those related to fraud with land and real estate in Nizhny Novgorod.
When we talk about bribes, the principle of inevitability of punishment is important, regardless of whether the bribe is large or small.
There is a lot of talk about how the official needs to be made responsible for the final result of investing budget funds, and then it will become unprofitable for him to distribute orders for kickbacks. Is this idea somehow implemented?
Glaucus is working in this direction. We constantly identify crimes in this area, so sometimes it’s easier for us to spot the gaps in the legislation that still exist. Now the situation is such that criminal liability is borne mainly by those who are technically involved in the theft of funds, but not by those who allocate them, that is, the lower level of the embezzlers. At the same time, when theft is discovered, everyone refers to publicly held auctions and competitions. And when it turns out that the contracts were ultimately concluded with inflated prices, the customer says: it happened that way. And in fact he is not responsible for anything. At the same time, I have not yet seen a person who would bear personal financial responsibility for the distribution of funds and at the same time would try to steal them or involve his relative in their sale. We have already proposed introducing some technical methods to regulate these processes, for example, analysis and double-checking of real prices via the Internet. There are such aggregators. Whatever the product or service, in a search engine you can always find the average price on the market, see all the companies that sell this product or are intermediaries, find out their prices and get an objective idea when announcing a competition. We proposed: if the price moves away from the market average by 10% in any direction, the competition needs to be returned to the starting situation. Because this is usually done: first, people announce a competition, lowering prices, then they cannot implement the contract, as a result, prices are adjusted towards increasing the cost of the project and, due to the resulting difference, theft is committed. I gave instructions to all the heads of the main departments to analyze the results of our operational investigative activities and the cases that reached the court and ended in verdicts. In addition, we direct our territorial divisions to conduct constant monitoring of the work of auction commissions for the placement of government orders. Based on the information collected, we will formulate clear and specific proposals to legislators.
“Rough means can harm investments in our economy”
Crimes in the financial sector, especially the illegal withdrawal of funds abroad and their non-repayment, cause great damage to the domestic economy. As a rule, such crimes are revealed when the money has already gone, and the criminal financiers themselves and their accomplices have left Russia. How can this practice be broken?
Last year, our service identified about a hundred crimes under Art. 193 and art. 193.1 of the Criminal Code and related to the illegal withdrawal of funds outside of Russia or their non-return, about thirty people were brought to criminal liability, despite the fact that in general, almost 20 thousand crimes were uncovered in the credit and financial sector during the year, including over a thousand crimes committed in members of organized groups. Over 5 thousand tax crimes have been documented. Headquarters employees participated in 73 tax audits, for which the total amount of tax penalties exceeded 7 billion rubles.
There were also major developments. Last year, employees of the headquarters suppressed the activities of a criminal community, whose members were engaged in withdrawing funds to the shadow sector of the economy in the Moscow region, St. Petersburg, Krasnodar Territory, Voronezh, Oryol and Rostov regions. During the period from 2014 to 2016, they withdrew over 8 billion rubles from legal circulation. Charges have been brought against 15 defendants in the criminal case. Three organizers and active community members were arrested.
The dynamics are such that the scale of illegal withdrawal of funds is decreasing, although it is still measured in tens of billions of rubles. A lot of attention is paid to this topic; we are constantly in contact with the Central Bank, Rosfinmonitoring, and there is a special interdepartmental commission.
The most current schemes for withdrawing funds abroad are transfers under fictitious foreign trade contracts, under agreements for the purchase and sale of securities, provision of obviously non-repayable loans or return of allegedly previously received loans, transfer by Russian organizations of funds to their accounts and the accounts of other Russian organizations opened in foreign countries. banks. False court decisions or legal decisions based on fictitious debts are used.
- So the so-called Moldovan scheme is still relevant?
This scheme is not unique; it was called “Moldavian” only because in that particular case the damage was measured in astronomical amounts, and accordingly, the investigation turned out to be high-profile. Mechanisms are now being developed, including in the banking system, related to the control of the withdrawal of funds and control over this withdrawal. Of course, we are in a situation where it is sometimes pointless to hit our tails, because money from abroad today, for obvious reasons, is difficult to return. But we can't just go to the bank and say: you know, we suspect that you want to withdraw funds, so do this and that. We will immediately be accused of putting pressure on business, and then they will blame us for all the problems with investors’ funds.
You can hear proposals to introduce procedural restrictions, for example on leaving the country, for bankers whose financial organizations raise questions from the same Central Bank.
This issue was discussed at one time. But in this case we are talking about limiting the constitutional rights of a citizen. The point is different. We must develop clear criteria for when preventive procedural actions are possible: for example, a sharply increasing number of transactions, their opacity, a large number of transactions with small amounts over a specific period of time. But this issue must be clearly stated, because people work with foreign contractors, pay for contracts, buy equipment and services. We are now discussing these issues at the interdepartmental group. This is a very delicate issue; rough decisions can harm Russia’s interests, primarily in the matter of investment in our economy. For example, a proposal was discussed to slow down suspicious transfers of funds abroad for some time, during which time they would be thoroughly checked and validated. But again, such actions may cause misunderstanding among the foreign partners of our businessmen, and deals may fall through.
At the same time, it is important to understand that without interaction with the competent authorities of foreign states, the fight against the withdrawal of funds will not be completely effective. There are many questions here too.
Today, we are more likely to talk about limiting the issuance of licenses for one or another type of banking activity, especially when it comes to working with funds of individuals. This is fundamentally very important, because when several thousand citizens suffer because of one legal entity, this is disproportionate. People sometimes save all their lives, take money to the bank, and then after its collapse they receive a small part of their deposit - and that’s all. We support this initiative.
Illegal cross-border financial transactions can also be used to finance terrorist and extremist organizations. Your headquarters was tasked with the fight against this type of crime quite recently. Are there any results already?
In 2017, law enforcement agencies in Russia identified 100 crimes related to the financing of terrorism, 72 of them by internal affairs officers, including 38 by our service. This is a very specific type of crime - they have a carefully camouflaged mechanism. We have already established effective interaction with Rosfinmonitoring, which sends us materials about suspicious transactions. There are different methods of financing: electronic wallets, targeted transfer of funds from sustainable sources with good financial resources. Recently, cryptocurrency has been used to transfer funds, so we are critical of its uncontrolled circulation, which is currently taking place. In the fight against this type of crime, it is important for us not only to track the receipt of funds, but also to document it and collect evidence. Here, close work with the investigation is of particular importance. We can say that we are now in the final stages of developing an algorithm for countering the financing of terrorism and extremism.
- What do citizens mostly complain to you about?
Recently, there has been a flurry of complaints against public utilities - more than 19% of the total, regarding the problems of gardening partnerships - almost 15%: this includes land delimitation, garbage collection, and other issues not yet regulated in detail by law. People don’t know where to go, and out of habit they go to the police. Of the 22.8 thousand complaints that we received over the year, many concern the failure of divisions of specific ministries, departments, and municipal structures to fulfill their direct responsibilities.
Sometimes it turns out that we go around with the applicant in a vicious circle: he complains, we check, we find out that there is no reason for a criminal case, we refuse the citizen, he goes to complain about us to the prosecutor’s office, and all over again.
We are discussing this problem, but I think that the decision should not be made at the level of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Currently, there is a need to modernize the rules for sending appeals by citizens and organizations, which may consist in creating a single center for processing them - possibly using the resources of the MFC - which competently and specifically determines which department the citizen’s problem belongs to. At the same time, organizing the submission of appeals through multifunctional centers and the public services portal will allow citizens to avoid the fan distribution of appeals to all ministries and departments, as it corresponds to the concept of a single window.
It will also be solved - for example, through linking when submitting an application to INN and SNILS - the problem of identifying applicants, who in some cases use pseudonyms, disposable email addresses, which allows anonymous contact with authorities and reporting obviously false information, greatly increasing the workload of employees, considering them, and distracting from appeals that actually contain information about illegal manifestations.
At a minimum, the opinion of experts on the existence of objective prerequisites for using the so-called stamp duty when filing an appeal from abroad deserves public discussion - albeit small, on the order of 100-200 rubles - which would significantly reduce the numerous cases of “abuse of the right to appeal” to government agencies today.
The measures taken will allow us to take the work with citizens’ appeals to a qualitatively new level and optimize the activities of government bodies.
Interview recorded by Alexander Golubev
Since the arrest of the colonel Dmitry Zakharchenko, who has already been popularly dubbed a “militiaman,” almost three weeks have passed. And all this time, the public was worried not only about where the policeman got all his wealth, how he was connected with the Nota Bank case, the crime boss Shakro Molodoy and fugitive ex-CEO of VimpelCom Mikhail Slobodin(Zakharchenko’s name is now attached to many high-profile criminal cases), but also what will be the results of the audit of the “T” department, which was initiated by the head of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs Vladimir Kolokoltsev. On September 29, its results were announced at the country's police headquarters.
As expected, Zakharchenko was the first to be fired. The management did not wait for the court's decision: the department's reputation had already been seriously damaged. Naturally, the department could not limit itself to a single dismissal in such a situation.
Andrey Kurnosenko It was expected that the shoulder straps would be removed from Head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia Andrey Kurnosenko. He himself submitted his resignation as soon as the scandal broke out. However, they decided to “save” it. Kurnosenko escaped with disciplinary action.
The head of the “T” department, Alexander Tishchenko, who is Zakharchenko’s immediate supervisor, “flew out” of service in his place.
Two more department employees were also brought to justice.
A disciplinary measure was imposed on the head of the Department of Conspiracy, Personnel and Civil Service of the same Main Directorate, Vladimir Abmetko, as well as the head of the Transport Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia for the Central Federal District, Oleg Kalinkin.
Kalinkin, by the way, previously held the position of deputy head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption, who was directly responsible for the operational activities of Directorate “T”.
The head of Directorate “F” of the GUEBiPKMVD of Russia also came under attack Dmitry Katkov.
“During the audit, it was established that Dmitry Katkov did not indicate real estate located outside of Russia in his income declaration. Based on the results of the inspection, a decision will be made regarding Dmitry Katkov in accordance with current legislation,”- said the official representative of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation Irina Volk.
Let us remind you that the case against Zakharchenko was opened on the morning of September 9. Soon he was “accepted” in a special parking lot. Large sums of money were found inside the car (the car does not belong to the colonel). Later, a search took place in the apartment of his half-sister Irina. It turned out that in a four-room apartment in a new building, one of the rooms had been converted into a safe. A combination lock was installed on it. Behind the door there was almost a bank vault. 8.5 billion rubles in foreign currency, which is comparable to the budget of a small state, were kept packed.
A day later, it became known that Zakharchenko’s father had another 300 million euros in his Swiss bank accounts.
Later it turned out that the colonel owned several luxury apartments and cars.
As a result, as Life journalists learned, the FSB refused to help the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the investigation of the case of billionaire colonel Dmitry Zakharchenko. The department does not exclude the possibility that police counterintelligence officers could “leak” secrets about upcoming special operations to the leadership. Now, as Life reports, the FSB is looking for other corrupt officials in the ranks of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Then the head of the “M” department of the FSB took the investigation of the case under personal control. Sergey Alpatov.
“The operatives of the “M” department were faced with a situation where high-ranking police officers from the GUEBiPK were warned in advance about searches and other investigative and operational activities. Perhaps this was due to the fact that at the initial stage, the Main Directorate of Security Services of the Ministry of Internal Affairs was involved in the investigation. GUSB employees were invited to search Zakharchenko’s apartment, where cash worth almost 9 billion rubles was found. There were also documents that were directly related to Zakharchenko’s colleagues.”, - a source in the special services told reporters.
Zakharchenko himself denies his guilt and has already demanded two confrontations.
He repeatedly stated in the presence of the press that he never pursued profit, but completely devoted himself to service and career growth.
"Biography"
Born on July 17, 1969 in Sevastopol. Graduate of the Black Sea Higher Naval School named after. P.S. Nakhimov. In 2001 he graduated from Moscow State Social University
majoring in jurisprudence. He began his service in the internal affairs bodies in 1995 as an investigator of the Regional Directorate for Organized Crime at the Moscow City Internal Affairs Directorate.
"News"
The Prosecutor General's Office considers the fight against tax crimes in Russia insufficient
“During the discussion of the reports (at the meeting, Deputy Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation Viktor Grin, Deputy Head of the Federal Tax Service Sergei Arakelov, Head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Andrei Kurnosenko and Head of the Investigative Committee Evgenia Minaeva spoke at the meeting - TASS note) the efforts of law enforcement agencies to combat criminal encroachments were recognized as insufficient in the field of taxation and compensation for the damage caused by them,” the press service of the Prosecutor General’s Office reported.
Patrons of "Peton" have influence on "Gazprom" and head the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation
The presence of influential friends is beyond doubt, but the possibilities of these friends are truly enormous, reports. This proves that the curators of Peton have a strong influence on some top managers of Gazprom.
Specialists studying the core market of Peton's activities noticed that their sharp breakthrough occurred during the period when Ali Uzdenov was appointed vice president of Bashneft. Moreover, Gasanov and Polyakov have quite influential relatives in the security forces who received senior positions in the Main Directorate for Economic Security and Combating of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. Among them was Andrei Kurnosenko, who, a year after fulfilling his duties as deputy of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, took over the post of its head.
Former Head of Department “T” of GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation
Billions of Colonel Dmitry Zakharchenko turned out to be the “common fund” of the police
Now the security officers have many questions for Zakharchenko’s superiors - the head of the “T” department, Alexander Tishchenko, as well as the head of the GUEBiPK, General Andrei Kurnosenko. Tishchenko has already refused to help the investigation. Recently, the Ministry of Internal Affairs hastily got rid of him: following the results of an internal audit at the GUEBiPK, Tishchenko was fired. Kurnosenko, as the publication reported, before being appointed to the position, got rid of property worth several hundred million rubles.
Billionaire from the Ministry of Internal Affairs fell for bankers
After Zakharchenko’s arrest, his immediate superior - the head of the main department, Police Major General Andrei Kurnosenko - wrote a letter of resignation.
The Colonel of the Ministry of Internal Affairs denies the 8 billion rubles found during the search.
Law enforcement officers believe that this criminal case could have unpleasant consequences for the central apparatus of the police department. Thus, during the investigation, investigators can stop or cancel a number of planned promotions in the criminal police service. According to unverified data, the head of the department, Major General of Police Andrei Kurnosenko, has already submitted his resignation.
Vladimir Putin replaced Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs
Today, Russian President Vladimir Putin made changes in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Dmitry Mironov, a native of the special services, who until recently headed the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption (GUEBiPK), was appointed Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs. In turn, the first deputy of General Mironov, Andrei Kurnosenko, headed the GUEBiPK Ministry of Internal Affairs.
A native of the FSO, Dmitry Mironov continued his rapid career in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Previously an assistant to Minister Vladimir Kolokoltsev, Mr. Mironov was appointed first deputy head of the Main Criminal Investigation Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in February last year, receiving at the same time the rank of police major general. A few months later, when Lieutenant General Denis Sugrobov, who was subsequently arrested for organizing an organized crime community, left the GUEBiPK, Mr. Mironov headed the anti-corruption headquarters. In October 2014, Andrei Kurnosenko, who spent most of his police career in the main department for combating organized crime, became the first deputy head of the GUEBiPK. In 2011–2012, he held one of the leading positions in the Main Directorate of Security Services, from where he left for the post of chief of police of the Ministry of Internal Affairs for Bashkiria.
Vladimir Putin carried out personnel changes in the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs
Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a decree on a number of personnel changes in the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs. The text of the decree is posted on the official legal information portal. Major General Dmitry Mironov was appointed Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs; the department's chief inspector, Sergei Danilyuk, and the first deputy chief of staff of the North Caucasus Regional Command of the Internal Troops of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Andrei Golovatsky, were relieved of their positions.
Major General Andrei Kurnosenko was appointed head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption (GUEBiPK), previously this position was held by Lieutenant General Denis Sugrobov, who is under investigation for provoking a bribe, and then by Dmitry Mironov.
Putin appointed a new chief anti-corruption fighter in Russia
Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a decree appointing a new head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs. He became Major General Andrei Kurnosenko.
It is known that Kurnosenko previously headed the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Bashkortostan. After that, he served as deputy head of the GUEBiPK.
Dmitry Mironov, who previously headed the GUEBiPK, was transferred to the post of Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs Vladimir Kolokoltsev.
The President appointed the head of the economic police and the deputy head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs
A number of personnel changes in the Ministry of Internal Affairs were made by Russian President Vladimir Putin. He appointed, among other things, the head of the GUEBiPK Andrei Kurnosenko, Interfax reports.
The presidential decree is posted on the legal information portal. It says that Chief Inspector of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Sergei Danilyuk has been relieved of his post, as well as Major General Andrei Golovatsky from the post of first deputy chief of staff of the North Caucasus Regional Command of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation.
The same decree appointed Andrei Kurnosenko as head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation and Major General Dmitry Mironov as Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs.
The infamous GUEBiPK was reinforced with fighters against werewolves in uniform
Former deputy head of the Bashkir police Andrei Kurnosenko is faced with the task of clearing the reputation of the anti-corruption department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and Dmitry Mironov will now oversee the transport department
Details of personnel rotations, which were approved by Russian President Vladimir Putin today by decree, have become known. As several sources in the Ministry of Internal Affairs told Izvestia, the former head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption (GUEBiPK) of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Dmitry Mironov, will henceforth oversee the work of the State Traffic Safety Inspectorate (instead of the recently resigned Viktor Kiryanov), however, with broader powers, and Andrei Kurnosenko, as it turned out, has serious experience in fighting werewolves in uniform and must clear the reputation of the anti-corruption department, which suffered due to the case of General Denis Sugrobov.
General Kurnosenko appointed chief anti-corruption fighter of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs
Russian President Vladimir Putin appointed Major General Andrei Kurnosenko as head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation.
MOSCOW, December 24 - RIA Novosti. Russian President Vladimir Putin appointed Major General Andrei Kurnosenko as head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation; the corresponding decree was published on the official Internet portal of legal information.
Major General Andrei Kurnosenko appointed chief anti-corruption fighter in the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs
By decree of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Major General Andrei Kurnosenko was appointed chief anti-corruption fighter in the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Major General Andrei Kurnosenko, who was previously the chief of police of Bashkortostan, was appointed to the post of head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs.
The decree was signed by the head of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin.
Note that 46-year-old Kurnosenko is from Sevastopol. There he graduated from the Black Sea Higher Naval School named after. Nakhimov, after which he moved to Moscow. In the capital, he entered the Moscow State Social University and received a legal education. Kurnosenko has worked at the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs since 1995.
Andrey Kurnosenko was appointed head of the anti-corruption headquarters of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation
Russian President Vladimir Putin appointed Major General Andrei Kurnosenko as head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation.
“To appoint Major General of Police Andrei Anatolyevich Kurnosenko as the head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, releasing him from his position,” reads the text of the decree published on the official Internet portal of legal information.
Let us remember that before that appointment, Andrei Kurnosenko was the deputy head of this main department, and the former head, Lieutenant General Denis Sugrobov, is now being investigated for provoking a bribe from an FSB officer.
The anti-corruption department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation is headed by Andrey Kurnosenko
Russian President Vladimir Putin appointed Major General Andrei Kurnosenko as head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption (GUEBiPK) of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. The corresponding decree was posted today on the official portal of legal information.
“To appoint Major General of Police Andrei Anatolyevich Kurnosenko as the head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, releasing him from his position,” the document says.
Since June last year, Kurnosenko has been deputy head of the GUEBiPK of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.
Putin appointed a new head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in Sevastopol
In addition, the president made other appointments. As FederalPress wrote earlier, he signed a decree appointing the head of the Main Directorate of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation. He became Major General of Police Andrei Kurnosenko.